TY - JOUR
T1 - A constitutional wealth tax
AU - Glogower, Ari
N1 - Publisher Copyright:
© 2020, Michigan Law Review Association. All rights reserved.
PY - 2020
Y1 - 2020
N2 - Policymakers and scholars are giving serious consideration to a federal wealth tax. Wealth taxation could address the harms from rising economic inequality, promote equality of social and economic opportunity, and raise the revenue needed to fund critical government programs. These reasons for taxing wealth may not matter, however, if a federal wealth tax is unconstitu-tional. Scholars debate whether a tax on a wealth base (a “traditional wealth tax”) would be a “direct tax” subject to apportionment among the states by popula-tion. This Article argues, in contrast, that this possible constitutional re-striction on a traditional wealth tax may not matter. If the Court struck down a traditional wealth tax, Congress could instead tax wealth by adjust-ing a taxpayer’s income tax liability on account of her wealth. This Article describes three general methods for making this adjustment (collectively, “Wealth Integration” methods). A taxpayer’s wealth could affect her taxable income base (the “Base Method”), the applicable rate schedule (the “Rate Method”), or the availability of credits against tax (the “Credit Method”). Wealth Integration methods could replicate the economic effects of a traditional wealth tax but with an intrinsically different constitutional analysis. The Court could strike down Wealth Integration methods only by overruling settled prior precedent, invalidating many current features of the income tax, and fundamentally restricting Congress’s power to tax income under the Sixteenth Amendment. Finally, the possibility that Congress could instead tax wealth through Wealth Integration methods provides a new argument why the Court should uphold a traditional wealth tax. Otherwise, the Court would have to choose between fundamentally restricting the Sixteenth Amendment—and jeopard-izing the income tax as we know it—or distinguishing between economically similar taxes on the basis of their formal label while still allowing Congress to tax wealth and diminishing the effect of the apportionment requirement as a restraint on Congress’s taxing power.
AB - Policymakers and scholars are giving serious consideration to a federal wealth tax. Wealth taxation could address the harms from rising economic inequality, promote equality of social and economic opportunity, and raise the revenue needed to fund critical government programs. These reasons for taxing wealth may not matter, however, if a federal wealth tax is unconstitu-tional. Scholars debate whether a tax on a wealth base (a “traditional wealth tax”) would be a “direct tax” subject to apportionment among the states by popula-tion. This Article argues, in contrast, that this possible constitutional re-striction on a traditional wealth tax may not matter. If the Court struck down a traditional wealth tax, Congress could instead tax wealth by adjust-ing a taxpayer’s income tax liability on account of her wealth. This Article describes three general methods for making this adjustment (collectively, “Wealth Integration” methods). A taxpayer’s wealth could affect her taxable income base (the “Base Method”), the applicable rate schedule (the “Rate Method”), or the availability of credits against tax (the “Credit Method”). Wealth Integration methods could replicate the economic effects of a traditional wealth tax but with an intrinsically different constitutional analysis. The Court could strike down Wealth Integration methods only by overruling settled prior precedent, invalidating many current features of the income tax, and fundamentally restricting Congress’s power to tax income under the Sixteenth Amendment. Finally, the possibility that Congress could instead tax wealth through Wealth Integration methods provides a new argument why the Court should uphold a traditional wealth tax. Otherwise, the Court would have to choose between fundamentally restricting the Sixteenth Amendment—and jeopard-izing the income tax as we know it—or distinguishing between economically similar taxes on the basis of their formal label while still allowing Congress to tax wealth and diminishing the effect of the apportionment requirement as a restraint on Congress’s taxing power.
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U2 - 10.36644/mlr.118.5.constitutional
DO - 10.36644/mlr.118.5.constitutional
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:85083261385
SN - 0026-2234
VL - 118
SP - 717
EP - 784
JO - Michigan Law Review
JF - Michigan Law Review
IS - 5
ER -