Abstract
In this paper we examine constraints on the use of seven sentence-types permitting the non-canonical appearance of the logical subject in postverbal position: inversion in English and in Farsi, presentational and existential there-sentences in English, presentational ci-sentences and subject inversion in Italian, and es+subject postposing in Yiddish. We show that these sentence-types share a common discourse constraint: each requires the NP in non-canonical (i.e. postposed) position to represent information that is unfamiliar in some sense. The discourse function of postposing is contrasted with that of another sentence-type involving postverbal subjects: right-dislocation in English. Unlike postposed NPs, the marked NP of English right-dislocation represents information that is familiar within the discourse; concomitantly, a pronoun coreferential with the marked constituent appears in this constituent's canonical position. We argue, then, that the function of postposing is to place subjects representing unfamiliar information in sentence-final position. On this analysis the functional difference between these sentence-types and English right-dislocation can be straightforwardly accounted for. Given that the marked NP of right-dislocation is coreferential with an intrasentential pronoun, we would expect this NP to represent a discourse-old entity, as do anaphoric pronouns in general. Thus, it is not accidental that right-dislocation does not serve to keep unfamiliar information out of subject position; the presence of the pronoun rules out such a function.
Original language | English |
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Pages (from-to) | 113-142 |
Number of pages | 30 |
Journal | Language and Speech |
Volume | 39 |
Issue number | 2-3 |
DOIs | |
State | Published - Apr 1996 |
Keywords
- "There"-sentences
- Functions of syntax
- Information status
- Inversion
- Postposing
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- General Medicine
- Language and Linguistics
- Sociology and Political Science
- Linguistics and Language
- Speech and Hearing