It has long been observed that movement obeys strict cyclicity. To capture the step-wise nature of movement various attempts have been made in the history of generative grammar. This paper argues that one of the current theories of cyclicity, Chomsky's (2000; 2001; 2004; 2007; 2008) Phase Theory, captures the properties of ellipsis in so-called Antecedent Contained Sluicing construction (ACS) (Yoshida (2010)) in a straightforward fashion. In so doing, we show that, similarly to movement, the relation between the ellipsis site and its antecedent is established in cyclic nodes, and provide support to a particular theory of cyclicity.
|Original language||English (US)|
|Title of host publication||Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax|
|Editors||Artemis Alexiadou, Tibor Kiss, Gereon Müller|
|Publisher||Walter de Gruyter & Co.|
|Number of pages||18|
|State||Published - 2013|