Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing

Masaya Yoshida, Ángel J Gallego

Research output: Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceedingChapter

Abstract

It has long been observed that movement obeys strict cyclicity. To capture the step-wise nature of movement various attempts have been made in the history of generative grammar. This paper argues that one of the current theories of cyclicity, Chomsky's (2000; 2001; 2004; 2007; 2008) Phase Theory, captures the properties of ellipsis in so-called Antecedent Contained Sluicing construction (ACS) (Yoshida (2010)) in a straightforward fashion. In so doing, we show that, similarly to movement, the relation between the ellipsis site and its antecedent is established in cyclic nodes, and provide support to a particular theory of cyclicity.
Original languageEnglish (US)
Title of host publicationLocal Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax
EditorsArtemis Alexiadou, Tibor Kiss, Gereon Müller
PublisherWalter de Gruyter & Co.
Pages353-370
Number of pages18
Volumevol 547
ISBN (Print)9783110294712
StatePublished - 2013

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    Yoshida, M., & Gallego, Á. J. (2013). Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing. In A. Alexiadou, T. Kiss, & G. Müller (Eds.), Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax (Vol. vol 547, pp. 353-370). Walter de Gruyter & Co..