Abstract
It has long been observed that movement obeys strict cyclicity. To capture the step-wise nature of movement various attempts have been made in the history of generative grammar. This paper argues that one of the current theories of cyclicity, Chomsky's (2000; 2001; 2004; 2007; 2008) Phase Theory, captures the properties of ellipsis in so-called Antecedent Contained Sluicing construction (ACS) (Yoshida (2010)) in a straightforward fashion. In so doing, we show that, similarly to movement, the relation between the ellipsis site and its antecedent is established in cyclic nodes, and provide support to a particular theory of cyclicity.
Original language | English (US) |
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Title of host publication | Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax |
Editors | Artemis Alexiadou, Tibor Kiss, Gereon Müller |
Publisher | Walter de Gruyter & Co. |
Pages | 353-370 |
Number of pages | 18 |
Volume | vol 547 |
ISBN (Print) | 9783110294712 |
State | Published - 2013 |